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By Prof Brian Child Key Takeaways: * Rural African Communities should be allowed to decide whether to use a natural resource or not, and to benefit from it if they do. * Community conservation can be classified according to the degree of rights devolution. * Wildlife legislation in Zimbabwe was centered around the
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In today’s world, technology has become part of everyday life. This applies even to the most remote wilderness areas in Africa. Cellphone coverage has enabled poachers in many places, including Coutada 11 in Mozambique, to communicate. Although coverage is not good across the concession, poachers are aware of the
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Since May 2013, the Phalaborwa Natural Heritage Foundation has added 8,000 snares to their “snare poles”, which already had 2,000 snares on them. These snares were collected during patrols by the organization’s rangers and during snare sweeps conducted by volunteers on various properties around the Kruger National
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By Hank's Voice Hunting season is year-round, with no limits. The online and press version, that is, wherein very vocal, hateful people, brimming with bloodlust, hunt those on hunting safaris in Africa. These online predators typically hunt in packs, often reaching frenzied levels, in lynch mob, psychologically disturbing
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The Wilberforce Ranch in the Matobo Hills of Southern Zimbabwe, Africa is a model example of how private enterprise and community involvement can mutually benefit from wildlife conservation. However, a crucial piece of tactics and technology is the fence line separating the cattle and wildlife sections. Keeping domestic cattle out
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Key Takeaways: * On the rangelands in Kenya, wildlife was replaced with cattle, which is presently being replaced with camels. * Although this appears to be an adaptive change, it is the next step in an unstoppable progression to ecosystem collapse. * The Arabian Peninsula provides a chilling preview of what's
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Zambezi Delta Safaris' anti-poaching rangers typically use motorbikes to reach remote areas of the coutada where they establish make-shift bush camps from which day patrols can be conducted. Before each patrol deployment, the anti-poaching manager gathers the rangers for a comprehensive briefing. This pre-patrol meeting covers specific tactics &
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In the forests of Cameroon, a single conservation program has seized 1,392 kg of bushmeat, arrested 25 poachers, and destroyed 260 hunting camps, yet hunting pressure resumes whenever enforcement resources are withdrawn. This pattern, repeated across Africa, reveals the fundamental challenge facing wildlife conservation: economic incentives consistently outweigh protection
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Safari hunting was banned in Uganda, Africa in 1979, marking the end of what had been a thriving industry. This occurred during a period of severe political upheaval and wildlife devastation. The almost 30,000 elephants that Uganda had at independence were reduced to only 2,000 in 1985. After
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By Prof Brian Child Economic efficiency results from clearly defined property rights and exchange in free markets and is independent of who owns the resources. Nonetheless, Coase (1960) and others acknowledge that the question of who owns the resources is also important. Ignoring these distributional issues gives free market economics
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Can safari hunting truly serve conservation goals? What happens to Africa's wildlife when idealism meets the harsh realities of funding and local politics? Who bears responsibility for protecting these irreplaceable ecosystems? This documentary delves into the intricate world of a safari hunting concessionaire and its role in wildlife
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There have been significant changes in wildlife populations and domestic livestock in Kenya from 1960 to the present. These Kenyan trends sit within wider Africa-level shifts in wildlife and livestock. Rather than relying on potentially variable absolute numbers, this analysis focuses on documented growth rates and trends for Kenya'